THE BAWKU CONFLICT...1ST MAJOR CONFLICT ERUPTED IN 1983

IT is often with a heavy heart that reference is made to Bawku, a town with great potential for prosperity but whose recurrent story of fighting has usually attracted banner headlines.
The once sprawling commercial hub of the Upper East Region is now comatose. The vibrancy is gone and in its wake are deep-rooted mistrust, fear and uncertainty among two of Ghana’s most endowed ethnic groups, Kusasis and Mamprusis.
Indeed, with military and police armoured vehicles now patrolling the town instead of the usual cargo trucks carrying and unloading goods to and from the municipality, it is clear that all is not well in Bawku.
As is already well known, the prevailing situation is the result of the recurrent and destructive ethnic conflicts between the Kusasis and Mamprusis over the rightful custodians of the area. That is the crux of the matter, which regularly explodes into disagreements, bloody confrontations and sporadic killings between the two groups.
History recalls that the first major conflict between the two ethnic groups erupted in 1983 during the Samanpiid Festival, which is celebrated by the Kusasis to signify bumper harvest.

In 1984, the conflict broke out again. This time over the ownership of farmlands. Subsequent conflicts occurred in 1985 during the Samanpiid, 2000, during the general election, 2001 and 2007, also during the Samanpiid. Aside of these major conflicts, there have also been several small but deadly skirmishes over the years between the factions.
Actual figures are hard to come by but the results of all these disturbances have been that scores of people have lost their lives while many others have sustained various degrees of injury.
The latest incident, which occurred early this year, according to official figures given by security sources, claimed 10 lives with many others sustaining injuries, as well as a number of arrests made. However, some residents interviewed by the Daily Graphic were of the opinion that the number of casualties could be more.
While some of those arrested have been granted bail, others are set for prosecution.
What is more surprising is that over the years, there have been intermarriages between the two tribes and it is not uncommon to meet people in Bawku and surrounding communities who have a Kusasi mother and a Mamprusi father and vice versa.
Some of the minority ethnic groups in the area such as Moshes, Hausas, Bimobas, Dagombas and Bisas are also divided in their alliance to either the Kusasis or Mamprusis in the protracted conflict. The situation is really difficult for non-natives and visitors alike and one has to be careful with who to associate with while in Bawku.
Even though life is moving on, with some people going about their regular businesses, many stores are still locked up by owners for fear of the unexpected.
The two groups are also trapped in their respective enclaves in the metropolis. While the Mamprusis are located in the central business district of the municipality, which extends from the traffic light intersection to parts of the Bawku Presbyterian Hospital area, the Kusasis, who are in the majority, are spread across the town, thus virtually encircling the Mamprusis.
Ordinary citizens, as well as prominent figures from each of the two major ethnic groups, are hesitant to cross over into the other’s suburb without security escort.
A military source indicated that both sides were dangerously armed with sophisticated weapons. A resident, Akparibo Ndego, expressed concern that ‘‘if nothing concrete is done to calm the tension and it explodes again, the consequences could be more disastrous’’.

A 67-year-old retiree, Mahama Adama, said ‘‘any visitor to Bawku now would think we do not have problems but beneath the seeming calm are deep-rooted suspicion and mistrust between us’’.
He said any sound akin to gunfire from either side puts fear in people because of the possibility of a resurgence of the conflict.
The prevailing uneasiness has, therefore, compelled people to flee the town to neighbouring communities, with some notable persons seeking refuge in the Upper East regional capital, Bolgatanga, and parts of northern Togo.
The situation has also compelled the government to impose a curfew on the people. At the peak of this year’s the hostilities, residents had only two hours of freedom, from 7am to 9am. The curfew has since been relaxed to begin at 6pm to 6am.
The effect of the conflict on the socio-economic development of the area is disturbing. All aspects of social life and development such as education, heath, agriculture and commerce have suffered tremendous setbacks to worsen the existing deprivations in the area.
And since the outbreak of the latest hostilities in December last year, most schools have been closed while majority of teachers have fled the area.
Banks, civil society organisations and other public sector offices, including health centres, temporarily closed down. At the time the Daily Graphic team visited the area, some of the banks and other offices had re-opened and offering services to the public. Some are yet to resume duties, though.
It was also realised that some workers and their families stayed at Bolga and daily commuted to work at Bawku.

Farming, which is the main occupation of majority of the people, is very likely to suffer this season, following the existing levels of suspicion and apprehension between the two peoples.
Another area of concern to most people is this year’s electioneering in the Bawku municipality. As a result of the conflict, the people are seriously polarised and it is feared any attempt to hold campaigns and rallies there could spark further trouble.
As a result, some concerned residents have even suggested that the general election there should be suspended till such a time that peace would return.
‘‘I do not know what the Constitution says about such a situation in an election year, but I would advise that even if the elections cannot be suspended, political campaigns should be banned,’’ a 32-year old teacher, Awinbun Alale, opined.

The young dynamic Municipal Chief Executive, Mr Abdulai Abanga, who took office barely six months ago, could not hide his disappointment when he said, ‘‘My brothers, the conflict has really frustrated all my efforts and the plans I had to bring development and create jobs for our people through the establishment of brick and tile and meat factories’’.
According to him, ‘‘development activities have ceased, all efforts are now geared towards resolving the crisis and bringing peace to the municipality’’.
Even though the chief executive could not give ready figures of the total amount expended on the conflict, he did not mince words by saying that the Assembly had committed more than GH¢200, 000 so far.
In spite of the fact that central government was supporting the security institutions in their peace operation exercise in the area, the Assembly is also complementing the efforts by providing fuel and other logistics, as well as assisting in the maintenance of their vehicles.
More than 500 military cum police personnel are stationed in Bawku and its surrounding communities.
On the way forward, some residents entreated the security command to be proactive by taking immediate action on any report of the activities of individuals or group who would attempt to disturb the prevailing calm.

They further contended that politicians should not take advantage of the division of the people for their selfish interests by supporting either of the factions in their quest for power.
For his part, the chief executive pointed out that perpetrators should be dealt with severely by making them to face the full rigours of the law, while the government and other stakeholders continued their pursuance of dialogue to bring the situation under control.
More educational campaigns should be intensified in the area to sensitise the people to the dangers of conflict and its repercussions and the urgent need to live harmoniously together while dialoguing to iron out their differences.
Credit must be given to the Upper East Regional Minister, Mr. Alhassan Samari and the Regional Coordinating Council for the tremendous roles and efforts they made in the strive for peace in the Bawku area. Commendation must also go to the religious bodies, non-governmental organisations(NGOs) and various stakeholders for their contributions in curbing the violence in the area.
In any conflict situation, it is women and children who suffer. It was for this reason that a group of young ladies and pupils this paper encountered appealed to the warring factions to let reason prevail by stopping all hostilities.



...BOTH HAVE TAKEN ENTRENCHED POSITIONS


The two antagonists in the Bawku ethnic and chieftaincy conflict, the Kusasis and Mamprusis, have both taken entrenched positions in the prevailing crisis. Neither of the two ethnic groups is ready to accede its position in the ensuing imbroglio.
While the Mamprusis are claiming that, historically, Bawku is under the traditional authority of the King of Mamprugu, the Kusasis maintain that the land belongs to them and as such, they should be allowed to govern themselves.
According to the Regent of Mamprusi in Bawku, Ibrahim Adam Zangbego, the Mamprusis, historically, were the real custodians of the area because according to him, the founder of the Mamprugu Kingdom, Naa Gbewaa, was the first person to settle in the Bawku area.
An elder at the palace, Alhaji Ibrahim Kobilla, who spoke on behalf of the regent in his presence, said Naa Gbewaa lived and died in Pusiga, near Bawku. The regent claimed that the Kusasis came to the area around the late 18th Century from their settlements at Beingu and Zuaga in what is now known as Burkina Faso.
‘‘It was after the Nayiri of Mamprugu had created peace in his Kingdom of Bawku that the Kusasis and the Busansis, who were then being harassed by slave raiders, sought protection from the Nayiri to move from their locations in Burkina Faso to settle in the Bawku kingdom as his subjects,’’ the regent stated.

He said since then, the Mamprusis had ruled as chiefs of Bawku and that the first Kusasi chief of Bawku was installed in the late 1950s by Dr Kwame Nkrumah for political reasons.
‘‘Dr Nkrumah found the Mamprusis very hard nuts to crack, and felt that the best way to deal with them was to take the Bawku skin from them. And that was the beginning of the chieftaincy problem in the Bawku area,’’ the regent claimed.
He further alleged that ‘‘the right of the Mamprusis to the Bawku skin was traditionally driven whereas the claim to the Bawku skin by the Kusasis was politically motivated’’.
The regent stated that after the overthrow of the Nkrumah regime, the National Liberation Council (NLC) promulgated a decree, Decree 112, that ‘‘nullified the appointment of Abugrago Azoka I as the Bawku Naba’’.
He said this was after the traditionally installed and rightful ruler of Bawku, Naba Yirimea Mahama, who was then exiled to Togo during Nkrumah’s regime, had died. He added that after the funeral of the late Mahama, the Nayiri appointed and enskined Adam Zangbego in 1967 as the Bawku Naba.
‘‘Peace gained roots in Bawku until 1981 when Bawku Naba Adam Zangbego died,’’ the regent said.
He alleged that the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) regime headed by Jerry John Rawlings in 1983 later influenced the repeal of the NLC Decree 112 and replaced it with PNDC Law 75 that sought to restore Abugrago Azoka as the Bawku Naba.
‘‘I, therefore, have the conviction that the unrest and rancour that has eluded the Bawku area was due to the promulgation of the PNDC Law 75 that had since been repealed by Act 516 of 1996,’’ the regent claimed.

He further alleged that earlier claims by the Kusasis that it was the British colonialists who extended the Nayiri’s influence to the Bawku area constituted a historical fallacy, stating that the Mamprugu Empire that stretched from the West and East Mamprugu districts and beyond in the Northern Region to Bawku in the Upper East Region was the oldest in Ghana and predates colonialism.
The regent described claims by the Kusasis to the effect that the Supreme Court in 2003 ruled in their favour that Abugrago Azoka I was a Bawku Naba as ridiculous and an exhibition of ignorance.
‘‘The truth of the matter is that the plaintiff, who is the regent of Bawku in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Adam Zangbego, filed a writ in the Supreme Court against the defendant, Abugrago Azoka, in consonance with the PNDC Law 75, which gave legal backing to the Abugrago Azoka chieftaincy claim,’’ he indicated.
‘‘On the contrary, the PNDC Law 75 was repealed in 1996, so the plaintiff, upon the advice of his eminent lawyers, decided to withdraw the writ. So anybody who is of the view that there was a ruling has undermined our country’s highest adjudicator and exhibits gross disrespect of the highest order,’’ the regent added.

According to the genealogical tree made available to the Daily Graphic by the Regent, the first Bawku Naba was Naa Ali Atabia, who ruled from 1721 till he died in 1732. He was enskinned by his father, who was the 10th Nayiri, Naa Atabia.
The funeral of the 14th Mamprusi chief of Bawku, Naa Adam Zangbego, who died in 1981, is yet to be performed as a result of the disagreements between the two ethnic groups.
The regent has, however, appealed to the government to allow his father’s funeral to be performed as a Bawku Naba as part of efforts to resolve the crisis.
Meanwhile, at a meeting with members of the National Peace Council, headed by His Eminence, Peter Cardinal Appiah Turkson at Bawku on Tuesday, the Bawku Naba, Asigri Abugrago Azoka II, described claims by the Mamprusis that Kusasis were settlers from Burkina Faso as mere fabrication by the former.
‘‘Who performs sacrifices to the land gods in the entire area as Tindanas?’’ he queried, adding that ‘‘certainly no settler or stranger can perform this role’’.
He emphasised that the fact that the Kusasis were the rightful custodians of the area was never in doubt.
The Naba also said that the ruling by the Supreme Court in 2003 favoured the Kusasis’ claim to the skin and further alleged that apart from being the indigenous owners of the land, the Kusasis were also the most dominant in terms of numbers.
Naba Azoka explained that reports from the Yeboah Appiah Committee, appointed by the then Governor–General in Ghana in 1957, whose recommendations formed the basis of a White Paper issued by the Governor-General, recognised the late Abugrago Azoka I as the rightful Bawku-Naba.

The Naba described the NLC Degree 112 in 1966 that removed Azoka I as the Bawku Naba as unfortunate and a gross injustice to the Kusasis.
‘‘Weak, humble and law-abiding as our people had always been, we managed to put up with the abnormal situation till 1983 when the PNDC regime saw reason to correct the anomaly by promulgating PNDC Law 75, which restored the deposed Abugrago Azoka I to his former position,’’ he indicated.
The Naba also alluded to a political conference held by the British colonial government in 1929, which, he said, specified the administrative districts in the then Northern Territories of the Gold Coast according to colonial boundaries.
At that conference, he said, the Mamprusi District was clearly separated from the Kusasi District.
He also claimed that the Mamprusis homeland was Mamprugu, while that of the Kusasis, Kusaug which is in the Bawku area, extends slightly into Burkina Faso, where, he said, the Mamprusis claim was the Kusasis’ original base.
Naba Azoka explained that the Kusasis had been under the dominance of the Mamprusis for long and ‘‘the feeling of having been colonised prompted the people to rise up in rebellion’’.
He further claimed that the Mamprusi chiefs and princesses used to force the Kusasis to work for them.
‘‘We believe that these reasons account for the current determination of the Mamprusis to force us under their control once more, in blatant disregard of the rule of law which we believe still exists in Ghana,’’ the Naba further alleged.
He said the Kusasis now want to be free and able to run their own affairs.
‘‘At a point in time the Kusasis found out that its ethnic group in the Bawku Traditional Area came under the control of the Mamprusis and we struggled for freedom and self rule.’’
Naba Azoka described the demand by the Mamprusis to be allowed to perform the funeral of the late Alhaji Azangbego as a Bawku Naba as untenable, ‘‘considering the fact that the PNDCL 75 nullified his position as chief and also his funeral had already been performed as a Muslim.’’
‘‘Our humble demand is to be allowed to rule ourselves on our own land in peace; the culture of impunity must be halted before matters get out of hand,’’ he stated.